chapter 4
Sentence
Relations
and Truth
4.1 Introduction
In the last chapter we looked at some of the semantic relations which hold between
words and at the network effect that this gives to the lexicon. In this chapter we move
on to semantic relations that may hold between sentences of a language. As we shall
see, sometimes these relations are the result of particular words in the sentences, but
in other cases the relations are the result of syntactic structure. As an example of an
attempt to represent these relations, we will look at an approach to meaning based
on the notion of truth, which has grown out of the study of logic. In particular we
examine how successfully a truth-based approach is in characterizing the semantic
relations of entailment and presupposition. We begin by going back to our early,
deceptively simple question: what is meaning?
Many linguists would argue (see for example J. D. Fodor 1983) that there is no
answer to this question and that in this it is like the question “what is a number?”
in mathematics; or “what is grammaticality?” in syntax. The only true answer to
such questions, it is argued, are whole theories: so one has to have a syntactic theory
to give a substantive answer to the question: “what is grammaticality?” Otherwise,
it is claimed, we are reduced to empty answers like: “Grammaticality is a prop-
erty assigned to sentences by a grammar” (J. D. Fodor 1983). One way around this
Semantics, Fourth Edition. John I. Saeed.
© 2016 John I. Saeed. Published 2016 by John Wiley & Sons, Inc.
Sentence Relations and Truth 85
problem is to identify the kinds of phenomena a theory of semantics must cover.
As we have seen, generative linguists orient their explanation in terms of a native
speaker’s competence. In this approach, the question then becomes: what kind of
knowledge about the meaning of his or her language does the native speaker have?
Answers to this question differ but there is a consensus in the literature that for sen-
tence meaning, a semantic theory should reect an English speaker’s knowledge:
1
4.1 That a and b below are synonymous:
a. My brother is a bachelor.
b. My brother has never married.
4.2 That a below entails b:
a. The anarchist assassinated the emperor.
b. The emperor is dead.
4.3 That a below contradicts b:
a. My brother Sebastian has just come from Rome.
b. My brother Sebastian has never been to Rome.
4.4 That a below presupposes b, as c does d:
a. The Mayor of Manchester is a woman.
b. There is a Mayor of Manchester.
c. I regret eating your sandwich.
d. I ate your sandwich.
4.5 That a and b are necessarily true, i.e. tautologies:
a. Ireland is Ireland.
b. Rich people are rich.
4.6 That a and b are necessarily false, i.e. contradictions:
a. ?He is a murderer but he’s never killed anyone.
b. ?Now is not now.
We shall be looking at some of these relations in more detail in this chapter but for
now we can give a rough characterization of each, as follows:
4.7 A is synonymous with B: A has the same meaning as B.
4.8 A entails B: we know that if A then automatically B.
4.9 A contradicts B: A is inconsistent with B.
4.10 A presupposes B: B is part of the assumed background against which A is
said.
4.11 A is a tautology: A is automatically true by virtue of its own meaning, but
informationally empty.
4.12 A is a contradiction: A is inconsistent with itself, i.e. asserts and denies the
same thing.
86 Semantic Description
The problem for semantics is to provide a more rigorous account of these and
similar notions. In the following sections we look at how a notion of truth might be
used to do this.
4.2 Logic and Truth
In this section, we take a brief excursion into the realm of logic. In doing this we are
following a number of writers, like Richard Montague (1974), who have hypothe-
sized that the tools of logic can help us to represent sentence meaning. We won’t be
going very far on this excursion and the interested reader is referred to an excellent
introduction to logic in Allwood et al. (1977). We will go on to look at logic-based
semantics in more detail ourselves in chapter 10.
The study of logic, of course, comes down to us from the classical Greek world,
most famously from Aristotle. The beginnings of logic lie in a search for the prin-
ciples of valid argument and inference. A well-known example is Aristotle’s modus
ponens, a type of argument in three steps, like the following:
4.13
a. If Arnd left work early, then he is in the pub.
b.
Arnd left work early.
c. Arnd is in the pub.
If steps a and b (called the premises) are true then step c (the conclusion) is also
guaranteed to be true. Here we follow the tradition of separating the premises from
the conclusion by a horizontal line. Other rules of valid inference include the modus
tollens exemplied in 4.14 below, the hypothetical syllogism in 4.15 and the
disjunctive syllogism in 4.16:
4.14
a. If Arnd has arrived, then he is in the pub.
b.
Arnd is not in the pub.
c. Arnd has not arrived.
4.15
a. If Arnd is in the pub, then he is drinking beer.
b.
If Arnd is drinking beer, then he is drinking Guinness.
c. If Arnd is in the pub, then he is drinking Guinness.
4.16
a. Arnd is in the public bar or he is in the lounge.
b.
Arnd isn’t in the public bar.
c. Arnd is in the lounge.
A part of this study is a concern for the truth of statements and whether truth is
preserved or lost by putting sentences into different patterns. Truth here is taken
to mean a correspondence with facts, or in other words, correct descriptions of
states of affairs in the world.
2
For the most part this truth is said to be empiri-
cal (or contingent), because we have to have some access to the facts of the world
to know whether a statement is true or not. Thus the truth or otherwise of the
sentence
4.17 My father was the rst man to visit Mars.
Sentence Relations and Truth 87
depends on facts about the life of the speaker’s father: if her father did go to Mars
and was the rst man there, then the sentence is true; otherwise it is false. In the
same way the empirical truth of 4.18 below:
4.18 The earth revolves around the sun.
depends upon the facts of the universe.
Semanticists call a sentence’s being true or false its truth-value,andthefacts
that would have to obtain in reality to make a sentence true or false, its truth con-
ditions. A simple example of a linguistic effect on truth-value comes from negating
a sentence. If we have a sentence like a below in English, adding not will reverse its
truth-value:
4.19
a. Your car has been stolen.
b. Your car has not been stolen.
If a is true then b is false; also if a is false then b is true. To show that this relationship
works for any statement, logicians use a schema called logical form, where a lower
case letter (p, q, r, etc.) stands for the statement and a special symbol for negation:
¬. So the logical form for 4.19a is 4.20a and for 4.19b is 4.20b:
4.20
a. p
b. ¬p
The effect of negation on the truth-value of a statement can be shown by a truth
table, where T represents “true” and F “false, as below:
4.21 p ¬p
TF
FT
This table shows that when p is true (T), ¬p is false (F); when p is false (F), ¬p is
true (T). This is then a succinct way of describing the truth effect of negation.
The truth-value of other linguistic elements is studied in logic in the same way.
A number of connectives are especially important to logicians because they have a
predictable effect on the truth conditions of compound statements. For example the
truth-value of a compound formed by using and to join two statements is predictable
from the truth of the constituent statements. See, for example:
4.22
a. The house is on re.
b. The re brigade are on the way.
c. The house is on re and the re brigade are on the way.
If 4.22a and b above are true, then the compound c is also true. If however either
of a or b is false then the compound will be false. This can be shown by designing
a truth table for and, and representing it by a special symbol :
4.23 pqp q
TTT
TFF
FTF
FFF
88 Semantic Description
This table tells us that only when both statements connected by are true will the
compound be true. So 4.22c above will be false if the house is on re but the re
brigade are not on the way, and also false if the re brigade are on their way but to a
false alarm: the house is not on re. Most obviously of all, 4.22c is false if there is no
re and no re brigade on the way. This connective is called logical conjunction.
The study of the truth effects of connectives like ¬ and , also called logical oper-
ators, is called propositional logic, and logicians have studied the truth effects of a
number of other connectives, for example those corresponding to the English words
or and if . . . then. We can look briey at these here and we will come back to them
again in chapter 10.
There are two logical connectives which can correspond to English or. The rst
is called disjunction (or alternatively inclusive or) and is symbolized as , thus
giving logical forms like p q. The truth table for this connective is as follows:
4.24 pqp q
TTT
TFT
FTT
FFF
Thus a compound created with is true if one or both of the constituent sentences
is true. This connective corresponds to the use of English or in sentences like the
following:
4.25 I’ll see you today or tomorrow.
Sentence 4.25 is true if either I’ll see you today or I’ll see you tomorrow is true, or both.
It is only false if both are false.
The second connective which can correspond to English or is called exclusive or,
or
XOR for short, which we can symbolize as . This connective has the truth table
in 4.26 below:
4.26 pqp
q
TTF
TFT
FTT
FFF
From 4.26 we can see that p
q. This connective corresponds to the use of English
or in sentences like 4.27 below:
4.27 You will pay the ne or you will go to jail.
This use of or in English seems to have an implicit qualication of “but not both.
Thus if a judge said sentence 4.27 to a defendant, it would seem very unfair if the
defendant paid the ne and then was still sent to jail, as would be consistent with
disjunction represented by the inclusive or. Thus the use in 4.27 seems to correspond
more closely to exclusive or.
Sentence Relations and Truth 89
The next connective we will look at here is the material implication, symbolized
as . This connective has the truth table in 4.28
4.28 pqp q
TTT
TFF
FTT
FFT
As 4.28 shows, the expression p q is only false when p (the antecedent)istrue
and q (the consequent) is false. This connective is something like my use of English
if...thenif I utter a sentence like 4.29:
4.29 If it rains, then I’ll go to the movies.
We can identify the if-clause in 4.29 as the antecedent and the then-clause as the
consequent. This conditional sentence can only be false if it rains and I don’t go to
the movies, that is p = T, q = F. If it doesn’t rain (p = F), my conditional claim
cannot be invalidated by whatever I do: whether I go to the movies (q = T) or not
(q = F). We can describe this relation by saying that p is a sufcient condition
for q (rain will cause me to go) but not a necessary condition (other things might
make me go; it might snow!).
This relation is a little hard to grasp and the reason is because we intuitively try
to match it with our ordinary use of conditional sentences in English. However,
conditionals in real languages often have more to them than this truth-conditional
connective shows. For example, there is often an assumption of a causal connection
between the antecedent clause (the if-clause) and the consequent (the then-clause),
as in 4.30 below:
4.30 If Patricia goes to the party, then Emmet will go too.
A natural implication of sentence 4.30 is that Emmet is going because Patricia is.
This is partly like our connective because if Patricia goes to the party but Emmet
doesn’t (p = T, q = F) then the conditional sentence 4.30 is false, as the truth
table for suggests. However, because of the causal implication, we might feel that
if Patricia doesn’t go (p = F) the conditional 4.30 implies that Emmet won’t go.
Thus we might feel that if he does go (q = T), the claim is invalidated. The logical
connective, however, doesn’t work like this: as 4.28 shows, if the antecedent is false,
the compound is true, whatever the truth-value of the consequent.
This truth-conditional relation also seems to miss our intuitions about another
ordinary language use of conditional if...thenconstructions: counterfactuals,
where the speaker overtly signals that the antecedent is false, for example:
4.31 If wishes were money, then we’d all be rich.
3
The lack of t here with our intuitions can be shown by the sentences in 4.32 below:
4.32
a. If I were an ostrich, then I would be a bird.
b. If I were an ostrich, then I would not be a bird.
90 Semantic Description
Let us interpret each of these conditionals as the p q relation: since I am not in
fact an ostrich, we might take p in 4.32a to be false, and if we follow the reasoning
of the conditional then q might seem to be true. Thus, by the truth table in 4.28 the
sentence 4.32a is true. This seems a reasonable t with our intuition about 4.32a.
The problem is that assuming the same antecedent p in 4.32b to be false means that
4.32b also has to be true, according to our truth table 4.28. Even if we accept the
less likely 4.32b as true, it is uncomfortable to try and hold both 4.32a and b to be
true for the same speaker in the same context. It seems likely that the material impli-
cation relation simply doesn’t t our use of counterfactuals. We will not follow this
issue any further here; for a discussion of logical implication and ordinary language
conditionals, see Lewis (1973) and the overview in Haack (1978). What we can say
is that the logical relation of material implication captures some but not all aspects
of our use of if . ..thenin English.
There is one other related connective we might mention here, the bi-conditional,
symbolized by (or alternatively ). This connective has the truth table in 4.30
below:
4.33 pqp q
TTT
TFF
FTF
FFT
As 4.33 shows, a statement p q is true when p and q have the same truth-value. The
name “bi-conditional” reects the fact that the p q is equivalent to the compound
conditional expression (p q) (q p), which we can paraphrase as “if p then q
and if q then p. This connective corresponds to the English words if and only if as
in 4.34:
4.34 We’ll leave if and only if we’re forced to.
If we reverse the English clause order and identify the condition if and only if we
are forced to as p, and the consequent We’ll leave as q, then we can say that p is a
necessary condition for q,thatis,p is the only possible cause for q. Given this, this
connector is a plausible translation of the intended meaning of our earlier example
4.30 with if then. In logic this relation p if and only if q is often abbreviated to
p iff q.”
This has been just a brief look at logical connectives and their English counter-
parts. As we have mentioned, in logic these connectives are important for the estab-
lishment of valid arguments and correct inductive reasoning. Using the symbols we
have introduced in this section, we can represent the types of valid inference exem-
plied earlier in 4.13–16, as follows:
4.35 Modus ponens
p q
p
q
Sentence Relations and Truth 91
4.36 Modus tollens
p q
¬q
¬p
4.37 Hypothetical syllogism
p q
q r
p r
4.38 Disjunctive syllogism
p q
¬p
q
For our current purposes, what we need to hold onto are these ideas from logic: that
statements have a truth-value; that this truth-value depends upon a correspondence
to facts, and that different ways of connecting statements have different effects on
the truth-value of the compounds produced.
4.3 Necessary Tr uth, APrioriTruth, and Analyticity
As we have seen, the notion of empirical truth depends on a correlation to states
of affairs in reality. Philosophers and logicians have identied another type of truth
which seems instead to be a function of linguistic structure. For example, we know
that the tautology
4.39 My father is my father.
is always true (in its literal meaning) without having to refer to the facts of the world,
as is a sentence like:
4.40 Either he’s still alive or he’s dead.
We do not have to check a pulse to nd out whether this sentence is true.
In the same way, contradictions are false simply by virtue of their own meaning,
for example:
4.41 ?She was assassinated last week but fortunately she’s still alive.
This second kind of truth has been the focus of much investigation. The question
of how it is that we might know a statement to be true without checking the facts
of the world has been discussed by many philosophers
4
and various distinctions of
truth have been made. For example, we started out by characterizing this type of
truth in epistemological terms, that is in terms of what the speaker knows (or needs
to know before making a judgment about truth). From this perspective, truth that
92 Semantic Description
is known before or without experience has traditionally been called apriori. This
aprioritruth is contrasted with a posteriori truth: truth which, as in our examples
4.17 and 4.18 earlier, can only be known on the basis of empirical testing.
Another related concept is Leibniz’s distinction between necessary truths, which
cannot be denied without forcing a contradiction, for example the arithmetical state-
ment Twoandtwomakefour,andcontingent truths which can be contradicted,
depending on the facts, for example the sentence The dodo is extinct.Ifsomeoneunex-
pectedly found a dodo in a forest on Mauritius, this latter sentence would become
false. It is difcult, on the other hand, to imagine circumstances in which Two a n d
two make four would unexpectedly become false. This is similar to our apriori/apos-
teriori distinction but comes at truth from another viewpoint: not in terms of what
the speaker knows but in terms of what the world is like. We can say that it is hard to
think how our sentence about two and two making four could not be true without
changing our view of the present facts of the world.
5
From this perspective a sentence
like 4.40 is also necessarily true and a contradiction like 4.41 is necessarily false.
In another, related terminology tautologies like 4.39 are analytic while a sentence
like My father is a sailor is synthetic. Analytic statements are those where the truth
follows from the meaning relations within the sentence, regardless of any relationship
with the world, while a synthetically true statement is true because it accords with
the facts of the world.
Thus we have three related distinctions of truth: between aprioriand a poster i-
ori, necessary and contingent, and analytic and synthetic. These notions are closely
linked, yet not quite identical. As noted by Kripke (1980), part of their difference
comes from the concerns of the analyst: the apriori/a posteriori distinction is an epis-
temological one: it concerns the source of what the speaker knows. If just knowing
a language is enough to know the truth of a proposition then it is apriori.Ifthe
knowledge has to be based on experience of the world it is a posteriori. The neces-
sary/contingent distinction on the other hand is really a metaphysical one, where we
are philosophically questioning the nature of reality. We can hypothesize that it is the
nature of reality that ensures that a sentence like Two and two make four is a neces-
sary truth. Finally, the analytic/synthetic distinction is semantic in orientation. The
traditional claim has been that analytic sentences are true because of the meaning of
the words within them: for example, the meaning of the predicate might somehow
be included in the meaning of the subject: it might not add anything new.
6
This
certainly seems to be true of our tautology My father is my father.
We can see that the three notions are related because under the kind of denitions
we have introduced so far, our example sentence My father is my father is an apriori
truth, it is necessarily true and it is analytic. As we have mentioned, this classication
of truth has been the subject of much debate in the philosophical literature and it
has been argued by some philosophers, for example Kripke (1980), that the terms
do not characterize exactly the same set of statements, for example that a statement
might be a necessary truth but not an aprioritruth. To parallel a standard example,
a statement of identity like Mogadishu is Hamar is necessarily true because these are
two names for the same city, the capital of Somalia. Clearly, though, it is possible
for a person not to know this, and therefore for this person our sentence is not an
aprioritruth. The person might have to ask people or look it up in a book, making
the knowledge a posteriori.
7
This sketch is enough for our present purposes. In our discussion we will infor-
mally use necessary truth and analytic truth as synonymous terms to describe
Sentence Relations and Truth 93
sentences which are true by virtue of their meaning, and which therefore are known
to be true by a speaker of the language without any checking of the facts. See Grayling
(1982) for further discussion of the relations of these notions.
We can provide further examples of sentences that are analytic or necessarily true
in this sense if we imagine logically minded sports fans looking forward to the next
World Cup Final and saying the following:
4.42
a. Either Germany will win the World Cup or Germany won’t win the
Wor l d C u p.
b. If Germany are champions and Brazil are runners-up then Germany
are champions.
c. All teams who win are teams.
d. If Germany beat Brazil then Brazil lose to Germany.
Sentences like 4.42 a–c above have been important in the development of logic.
This is because their truth can be predicted from their logical form. Take 4.42a for
example: if, as before, we replace each clause by an arbitrary letter, we produce a
logical form, for example:
4.43 Either p or not-p
This formula will be true for any clause, as long as each clause is the same, repre-
sented above by using the same letter. For example:
4.44 Either we’ll make it on time, or we won’t make it on time.
Similarly, sentence 4.42b above can be given the logical form:
4.45 If p and q then p
Once again whatever clauses we use for p and q the formula will be true, for example:
4.46 If the house is sold and we aren’t there, the house is sold.
Sentence 4.42c is also necessarily true because of its logical form, but in this case
the truth behavior is caused by the presence within the clause of the quantier all.
To nd its logical form we have to go inside the clause and replace the subject and
predicate by variables, for example:
4.47 All X’s that Y are X’s.
Again, this form will be true whatever subject and predicate we insert for X and Y,
for example:
4.48 All birds that y are birds.
8
The study of the truth behavior of such sentences with quantiers like all, every,
each, some, one gave rise to a second type of logic usually called predicate logic.
Once again, good introductions to this logic can be found in Allwood et al.
94 Semantic Description
(1977). We will come back to both propositional and predicate logic again in
chapter 10.
The important point here is that, as we have seen, there are certain words like
the connectors and, or, if . . . then,thenegativewordnot, and quantiers like all,
some, one, which inuence the truth behavior of sentences. For this reason these
are sometimes called logical words. So the sentences 4.42a–c are necessarily true
because of the presence of logical words, which means that their truth behavior is
predictable from their logical form.
The truth of sentence 4.42d (If Germany beat Brazil then Brazil lose to Germany),
however, depends on the meaning of individual words like beat and lose,andnotany
logical form we might give the sentence, like 4.49:
4.49 If GXBthen BYG.
We can see this because, if we replace the verbs with other verbs, we cannot predict
that the resulting sentence will also be analytically true, for example:
4.50 If Germany attack Brazil then Brazil outscore Germany.
This sentence might be true, or not: we cannot tell just from the sentence. It seems
that sentence 4.42d is necessarily true because of the semantic relationship in English
between the verbs beat and lose. This kind of necessary truth has not traditionally
been a concern of logicians, because its effects cannot easily be reduced to general
rules or schemas: it relies on the very varied and individual lexical relations we looked
at in chapter 3. Thus such necessarily true sentences can derive from synonymy as
in 4.51a below; from simple antonymy as in 4.51b; from converse pairs as in 4.51c;
or hyponymy as in 4.51d:
9
4.51
a. My bachelor brother is an unmarried man.
b. If Elvis is dead then he is not alive.
c. If she’s his sister then he’s her brother.
d. A cat is an animal.
So our examples have shown us that sentences can be analytically true because of
the behavior of logical words (connectors, quantiers) or because of the meaning of
individual nouns and verbs. In each case we know that the sentences are true without
having to check any facts about the world.
4.4 Entailment
Using this special meaning of “truth” that we have been looking at, some semanticists
have claimed that the meaning relations discussed in section 4.1 can be given a more
rigorous denition. The claim is that there are xed truth relations between sen-
tences which hold regardless of the empirical truth of the sentences. We can examine
this claim by looking at the semantic relation of entailment. Let’s take as an exam-
ple the relationship between sentences 4.52a and b below, where a is said to entail b:
4.52
a. The anarchist assassinated the emperor.
b. Theemperordied.
Sentence Relations and Truth 95
Assuming as usual that the same individual is denoted by the emperor here, there
are a number of ways of informally describing this relationship. We could say that
if somebody tells us 4.52a and we believe it, then we know 4.52b without being
told any more. Or we could say that it is impossible for somebody to assert 4.52a
but deny b. What such denitions have to try to capture is that entailment is not
an inference in the normal sense: we do not have to reason to get from 4.52a to b,
we just know it instantaneously because of our knowledge of English. A truth-based
denition of entailment might allow us to state the relationship more clearly and
would be something like 4.53 below:
4.53 Entailment dened by truth:
Asentencep entails a sentence q when the truth of the rst (p) guarantees
the truth of the second (q), and the falsity of the second (q) guarantees the
falsity of the rst (p).
We can see how this would work for our examples:
4.54 Step 1: If p (The anarchist assassinated the emperor) is true, is q (The
emperor died) automatically true? Yes.
Step 2: If q (The emperor died) is false, is p (The anarchist assassinated
the emperor) also false? Yes.
Step 3: Then p entails q. Note if p is false then we can’t say anything about
q; it can be either true or false.
We can try to show this relation in an accessible form if we take the logician’s truth
tables, seen earlier, and adapt them somewhat. We can continue to use the symbols p
and q for our two sentences, and T and F for true and false, as in normal truth tables,
but we will add arrows ( and ) to show the direction of a relation “when then.
So the rst line of 4.55 below is to be read “When p is true, q is true, and the last
line is to be read “when q is true, p can be either true or false. By taking these
liberties with traditional truth tables, we can show the truth relations of entailment
in 4.55, a composite truth table:
4.55 Composite truth table for entailment
pq
T T
F TorF
F F
TorF T
When this set of relations hold between p and q, p entails q. From this table we can
see that only the truth of the entailing sentence or the falsity of the entailed sentence
has consequences for the other sentence. When p is false, q canbeeithertrueor
false: if all we were told was that the anarchist didn’t assassinate the emperor, we
wouldn’t know whether the emperor was dead or alive. When q is true, p can be
either true of false: if we just know that the emperor is dead, that doesn’t tell us
anything about whether the anarchist assassinated him or not.
10
96 Semantic Description
We have said that an entailment relation is given to us by linguistic structure: we
do not have to check any fact in the world to deduce the entailed sentence from the
entailing sentence. The source may be lexical or syntactic. In our example above it
is clearly lexical: the relationship of entailment between 4.52a and b derives from
the lexical relationship between assassinate and die. In some sense the meaning of
assassinate contains the meaning of die. In chapter 3 we called a similar relationship
of meaning hyponymy; and indeed hyponymy between lexical items is a regular
source for entailment between sentences. For example, the noun dog is a hyponym
of animal, so it follows that sentence 4.56 below entails sentence 4.57:
4.56 I bought a dog today.
4.57 I bought an animal today.
Other sources for entailment are syntactic: for example, active and passive versions
of the same sentence will entail one another. Sentence 4.58 below entails 4.59, and
vice versa:
4.58 The Etruscans built this tomb.
4.59 This tomb was built by Etruscans.
In fact, the relationship of entailment allows us to dene paraphrase. Paraphrases,
like 4.58 and 4.59, are sentences which have the same set of entailments, or, to put
it another way, mutually entail each other.
This truth-based denition does seem to capture our basic intuitions about entail-
ment and semanticists have gone on to characterize other semantic relations in terms
of truth relations. For example, we could very simply characterize synonymy with
the table:
4.60 Composite truth table for synonymy
pq
T T
F F
T T
F F
This table simply says, of course, that p and q always have the same truth-value,
that is, if p describes a situation so will q, and vice versa; while if either incorrectly
describes a situation so will the other. We can see this is true for examples like:
4.61 Alice owns this book.
4.62 This book belongs to Alice.
where again we observe the convention that it is the same Alice and the same book
in the two sentences.
11
Sentence Relations and Truth 97
The opposite of this relation of synonymy would be contradiction, with the truth
table below:
4.63 Contradiction
pq
T F
F T
T F
F T
where the simplest examples involve negation, as below:
4.64 Mr Jones stole my car.
4.65 Mr Jones did not steal my car.
but other examples might also include the lexical relation of simple or binary
antonymy, as in our earlier examples with beat/lose to.
So thus far it seems that recasting semantic relations as truth relations allows us
to describe neatly the relations we listed in section 4.1 as being the focus of our
investigations. In the next section, however, we look at one of these relations, pre-
supposition, which seems to lend itself less well to a truth-based description.
4.5 Presupposition
4.5.1 Introduction
In ordinary language, of course, to presuppose something means to assume it, and
the narrower technical use in semantics is related to this. In the following examples
the a sentence is said to presuppose the b sentence:
4.66
a. He’s stopped turning into a werewolf every full moon.
b. He used to turn into a werewolf every full moon.
4.67
a. Her husband is a fool.
b. She has a husband.
4.68
a. I don’t regret leaving London.
b. I left London.
4.69
a. The Prime Minister of Malaysia is in Dublin this week.
b. Malaysia has a prime minister.
4.70
a. I do regret leaving London.
b. I left London.
Presupposition has been an important topic in semantics: the 1970s in particular
saw lively debates in the literature. Books devoted largely to the subject include
98 Semantic Description
Kempson (1975), D. Wilson (1975), Boer and Lycan (1976), Gazdar (1979) and Oh
and Dinneen (1979); and important papers include J. D. Fodor (1979) and Wilson
and Sperber (1979). In retrospect this interest in presupposition can be seen as coin-
ciding with the development of pragmatics as a subdiscipline. The basic idea, men-
tioned in chapter 1, is that semantics would deal with conventional meaning, those
aspects which do not seem to vary too much from context to context, while prag-
matics would deal with aspects of individual usage and context-dependent meaning.
The importance of presupposition to the pragmatics debate is that, as we shall see,
it seems to lie at the borderline of such a division. In some respects presupposition
seems like entailment: a fairly automatic relationship, involving no reasoning, which
seems free of contextual effects. In other respects though, presupposition seems sen-
sitive to facts about the context of utterance. We will look at this sensitivity to context
in section 4.5.5.
For now we can begin by identifying two possible types of approach to presuppo-
sition, arising from different ways of viewing language.
4.5.2 Two approaches to presupposition
In the rst approach, rather in the philosophical tradition, sentences are viewed as
external objects: we don’t worry too much about the process of producing them,
or the individuality of the speaker or writer and their audience. Meaning is seen
as an attribute of sentences rather than something constructed by the participants.
Semantics then consists of relating a sentence-object to other sentence-objects and
to the world. When in the last section we characterized sentence relations in terms
of truth relations we adopted this perspective. The second approach views sentences
as the utterances of individuals engaged in a communication act. The aim here is
about modeling the strategies that speakers and hearers use to communicate with
one another. So we might look at communication from the speaker’s viewpoint and
talk about presupposition as part of the task of packaging an utterance; or adopt the
listener’s viewpoint and see presupposition as one of a number of inferences that the
listener might make on the basis of what the speaker has just said. The rst approach
is essentially semantic and the second pragmatic.
Let’s use 4.71 below and its presupposition 4.72 as an example to show these
different views.
4.71 John’s brother has just got back from Texas.
4.72 John has a brother.
We can adopt the sentences-as-external-objects approach and try to identify a
semantic relationship between these two sentences. One obvious way is to cast this
as a truth relation, as we did for entailment and other relations in the last section.
To do this we might reason as in 4.73, to set up the partial truth table in 4.74:
4.73 Presupposition as a truth relation.
Step 1: If p (the presupposing sentence) is true then q (the presupposed
sentence) is true.
Step 2: If p is false, then q is still true.
Step 3: If q is true, p couldbeeithertrueorfalse.
Sentence Relations and Truth 99
4.74 A rst composite truth table for presupposition
pq
T T
F T
TorF T
At the risk of being longwinded, we can work through 4.73. If it is true that John’s
brother has come back from Texas, it must be true that John has a brother. Similarly,
if it is false that John’s brother has come back from Texas (if he is still there, for
example), the presupposition that John has a brother still survives. Finally, if is true
that John has a brother, it doesn’t tell us anything about whether he has come back
from Texas or not: we just don’t know.
So viewing presupposition as a truth relation allows us to set up a truth table like
4.74, and allows us to capture an important difference between entailment and pre-
supposition. If we negate an entailing sentence, then the entailment fails; but negat-
ing a presupposing sentence allows the presupposition to survive. Take for example
the entailment pair in 4.75:
4.75
a. I saw my father today.
b. I saw someone today.
If we negate 4.75a to form 4.76a then it no longer entails 4.75b, repeated as 4.76b:
4.76
a. I didn’t see my father today.
b. I saw someone today.
Now 4.76b no longer automatically follows from the preceding sentence: again it
might be true, we just don’t know. Compare this with the presupposition pair:
4.77
a. The mayor of Liverpool is in town.
b. There is a mayor of Liverpool.
If we negate 4.77a to form 4.78a the resulting sentence still has the presupposition,
shown as 4.78b:
4.78
a. The mayor of Liverpool isn’t in town today.
b. There is a mayor of Liverpool.
So negating the presupposing sentence does not affect the presupposition, whereas,
as we saw, negating an entailing sentence destroys the entailment. So it seems that
viewing presupposition as a truth relation allows us to capture one interesting dif-
ference between the behavior of presupposition and entailment under negation.
By comparison, we can sketch an idea of how an alternative, interactional view
of presupposition might work for our original example; John’s brother has just got
back from Texas. This approach views presupposition as one aspect of a speaker’s
strategy of organizing information for maximum clarity for the listener. Let us say
roughly that the speaker wants to inform the listener that a particular individual has
returned from Texas. The way she does this will depend on what she estimates about
100 Semantic Description
her listener’s knowledge. If she thinks he knows John but not his brother, we can see
in her use of 4.64 an ordering of the assertions in 4.79–80:
4.79 Assertion 1: John has a brother X.
4.80 Assertion 2: X has come back from Texas.
In our example 4.71 the rst assertion is downgraded or backgrounded by being
placed in a noun phrase [John’s brother] while the second assertion is highlighted or
foregrounded by being given the main verb. Why foreground one assertion rather
than another? The answer must depend on the speaker’s intentions and her guesses
about the knowledge held by the participants. For example the speaker might judge
that the listener knows 4.79 but that 4.80 is new information, and therefore needs
to be foregrounded. Here we could speculate that the speaker decides to include
the old information 4.79 to help the listener to identify the individual that the new
information is about. Note too that a speaker can use 4.71 even if the listener does
not know John has a brother. In such a case both assertions are new but the speaker
has decided to rank them in a particular order.
4.5.3 Presupposition failure
One phenomenon which has traditionally caused problems for a truth relations
approach but may be less problematic in an interactional approach is presuppo-
sition failure. It has been observed that using a name or a denite description to
refer presupposes the existence of the named or described entity:
12
so the a sentences
below presuppose the b sentences:
4.81
a. Ronald is a vegetarian.
b. Ronald exists.
4.82
a. The King of France is bald.
b. There is a King of France.
Example 4.82 is of course the subject of Bertrand Russell’s discussion of the prob-
lem (Russell 1905), and is by now one of the most discussed examples in this liter-
ature. The problem arises when there exists no referent for the nominal. If there’s
no Ronald or King of France, that is if the b sentences above are false, what is the
status of the a sentences? Are they false, or are they in a gray area, neither true nor
false? In a truth-based approach, on a gray-area analysis, we need to add a line to
our truth table, but what does the line look like?
4.83 A second truth table for presupposition
pq
T T
F T
TorF T
?(T or F) F
Sentence Relations and Truth 101
What this table tries to show is that if q is false, the status of p is dubious, possi-
bly neither true nor false. This is a problem for truth-based theories, known as a
truth-value gap. If a statement can be neither true nor false, it opens a nasty can
of worms. How many degrees in between are possible? A good deal of the attractive
simplicity of the truth-based approach seems in danger of being lost. It is a problem
that has generated a number of solutions in the philosophical literature; see McCul-
loch (1989) for discussion, and for a solution in the linguistics literature, J. D. Fodor
(1979). Russell’s famous solution was to analyze denite descriptions as complex
expressions roughly equivalent to 4.84 (adapted from McCulloch 1989: 47):
4.84 The King of France is bald is true if and only if:
a. at least one thing is the king
b. at most one thing is the king
c. whatever is the king is bald.
From 4.84, it follows that sentence 4.82a is false if there is no king of France, and that
there is no gray area between true and false, no truth-value gap. The cost however is
a large discrepancy between the surface language and the semantic representation.
Do we really want to say that a name is underlyingly a cluster of three statements?
For an interactional approach, there is less of a problem. Such an approach would
claim that a speaker’s use of denite NPs like names and denite descriptions to refer
is governed by conventions about the accessibility of the referents to the listener. In
some obvious way, I have made a communication error if I say to you:
4.85 Heronymous is bringing us a crate of champagne.
if you don’t know any person called Heronymous. Your most likely response would
be to ask “Who’s Heronymous?, thus signaling the failure. So we can hypothesize
that there is an interactional condition on referring: a speaker’s use of a name or
denite description to refer usually carries a guarantee that the listener can identify
the referent.
13
So in an interactional approach the issue of presuppositional failure shifts attention
from the narrow question of the truth-value of statements about non-existent entities
to the more general question of what conventions license a speaker’s referring use of
denite nominals.
4.5.4 Presupposition triggers
We have seen that the use of a name or denite description gives rise to a presuppo-
sition of existence. Other types of presupposition are produced by particular words
or constructions, which together are sometimes called presupposition triggers.
Some of these triggers derive from syntactic structure, for example the cleft con-
struction in 4.86 and the pseudo-cleft in 4.87 share the presupposition in 4.88:
4.86 It was his behavior with frogs that disgusted me.
4.87 What disgusted me was his behavior with frogs.
4.88 Something disgusted me.
102 Semantic Description
Other forms of subordinate clauses may produce presuppositions, for example, time
adverbial clauses and comparative clauses. In the following sentences, the a sentence
has the presupposition in b:
4.89 a. I was riding motorcycles before you learned to walk.
b. You learned to walk.
4.90 a. He’s even more gullible than you are.
b. You are gullible.
Many presuppositions are produced by the presence of certain words. Many of
these lexical triggers are verbs. For example, there is a class of verbs like regret
and realize that are called factive verbs because they presuppose the truth of their
complement clause. Compare sentences 4.91 and 4.92 below: only the sentence
with the factive realize presupposes 4.93. There is no such presupposition with the
non-factive verb think.
4.91 Sean realized that Miranda had dandruff.
4.92 Sean thought that Miranda had dandruff.
4.93 Miranda had dandruff.
Similarly compare 4.94–6:
4.94 Sheila regretted eating the banana.
4.95 Sheila considered eating the banana.
4.96 Sheila ate the banana.
Some verbs of judgment produce presuppositions. Compare 4.97–9 below:
4.97 John accused me of telling her.
4.98 John blamed me for telling her.
4.99 I told her.
Once again one verb, blame, produces the presupposition in 4.99, while another,
accuse, does not.
For a nal example of lexical triggers, consider so-called aspectual verbs, like
start, begin, stop. These verbs have a kind of switch presupposition: the new situ-
ation is both described and is presupposed not to have held prior to the change;
see for example 4.100–1 below, where again the a sentences presuppose the b
sentences:
4.100
a. Judy started smoking cigars.
b. Judy used not to smoke cigars.
Sentence Relations and Truth 103
4.101
a. Michelle stopped seeing werewolves.
b. Michelle used to see werewolves.
4.5.5 Presuppositions and context
As mentioned earlier, one problem for a simple truth-based account of presupposi-
tion is that often the presuppositional behavior seems sensitive to context. While a
given sentence always produces the same set of entailments, it seems that this is not
true of presuppositions. Levinson (1983) gives as an example the type of presuppo-
sition usually triggered by time adverbial clauses, for instance 4.102a presupposing
4.102b below:
4.102
a. She cried before she nished her thesis.
b. She nished her thesis.
However, if we change the verb, as in 4.103a below, the presupposition 4.103b is no
longer produced:
4.103
a. She died before she nished her thesis.
b. She nished her thesis.
Why is this? It is argued that in 4.103 the presupposition is blocked or canceled
by our general knowledge of the world: quite simply we know that dead people do
not normally complete unnished theses. This characteristic is sometimes known
as defeasibility, that is the canceling of presuppositions. If presuppositions arise or
not depending on the context of knowledge, this suggests that we need an account
of them that can make reference to what the participants know, as in an interactional
approach, rather than an account limited to formal relations between sentences.
Another example of context sensitivity, pointed out by Strawson (1950), occurs
with sentences like 4.104 and 4.105 below:
4.104 It was Harry who Alice loved.
4.105 It was Alice who loved Harry.
These sentences seem to describe the same essential situation of Alice loving Harry;
or, to put it another way, we might say that they embody the same proposition. The
difference between them is that they belong to different conversational contexts:
whether the participants have been discussing Harry or Alice. As Strawson points
out, they seem to give rise to different presuppositions, with 4.104 producing 4.106
and 4.105 producing 4.107:
4.106 Alice loved someone.
4.107 Someone loved Harry.
The same phenomenon is found with intonation in English, where stressing differ-
ent parts of the sentence can produce different presuppositions. Using capitals to
104 Semantic Description
show the position of this stress, we can produce the presupposition in 4.106 above
with 4.108 below, and 4.107 above with 4.109 below:
4.108 Alice loved HARRY.
4.109 ALICE loved Harry.
Such phenomena are discussed by Jackendoff (1972) and Allan (1986) among oth-
ers. So these examples seem to provide another case where presuppositional behavior
is related to context: in this case the context of the discourse.
Another, narrower, contextual feature is traditionally called the projection prob-
lem, and is discussed by a number of writers, including Gazdar (1979), Karttunen
and Peters (1979), Levinson (1983), Soames (1989), and Heim (1992). Sometimes
the presupposition produced by a simple clause does not survive when the clause
is incorporated into a complex sentence. Levinson (1983: 191ff) gives the example
of conditional clauses. Sentence 4.110a contains the factive verb regret and would
normally produce the presupposition in 4.110b:
4.110
a. John will regret doing linguistics.
b. John is doing/will do linguistics.
However, in the context of a conditional clause like 4.111 below, the presupposition
4.110b disappears:
4.111 If John does linguistics, he’ll regret it.
The context here is the syntactic one provided by the adjoining clause.
So we can see that different levels of context can cause uctuations in presup-
positional behavior. At the most general level, the context provided by background
knowledge; then, the context provided by the topic of conversation; and nally, the
narrower linguistic context of the surrounding syntactic structures all can affect
the production of presuppositions. Simply giving a truth table of xed relations
between presupposing and presupposed sentences cannot adequately describe this
complicated behavior. Some more sophisticated account is required which takes
account of how what participants know forms a background to the uttering of a
sentence.
4.5.6 Pragmatic theories of presupposition
There have been a number of responses in the semantics literature to the features
of presupposition we have outlined. Some writers (for example Leech 1981) have
divided presuppositions into two types: one, semantic presupposition, amenable
to a truth-relations approach; another, pragmatic presupposition, which requires
an interactional description. In contrast, Stalnaker (1974) argued that presupposi-
tion is essentially a pragmatic phenomenon: part of the set of assumptions made by
participants in a conversation, which he termed the common ground. This set of
assumptions shifts as new sentences are uttered. In this view a speaker’s next sen-
tence builds on this common ground and it is pragmatically odd to assert something
Sentence Relations and Truth 105
which does not t it. Presumably cases of presuppositional failure like The king of
France is bald would be explained in terms of the speaker assuming something (There
is a king of France) that is not in the common ground.
This type of approach can cope with cases where presuppositions are not neces-
sarily already known to the hearer, as when a speaker says My sister just got married
(with its presupposition I have a sister) to someone who didn’t know she had a sister.
To capture this ability Lewis (1979: 127) proposes a principle of accommodation,
where: “if at time t something is said that requires presupposition p to be accept-
able, and if p is not presupposed just before t then ceteris paribus presupposition
p comes into existence. In other words presuppositions can be introduced as new
information.
14
A pragmatic view of presupposition is also proposed by Sperber and Wilson
(1995) who argue that presupposition is not an independent phenomenon but
one of a series of effects produced when the speaker employs syntactic structure
and intonation to show the hearer how the current sentence ts into the previ-
ous background. These writers integrate presupposition with other traditional dis-
course notions like given and new information, and focus. They propose (1995:
215) that the same principle of relevance to contextual assumptions covers both
presupposition and the choice of the different word orders and intonations in
4.112 below:
4.112
a. It rained on MONDAY.
b. On Monday it RAINED.
c. On MONDAY it rained.
These sentences belong to different contexts of use in a similar way to our pre-
supposition examples in 4.104–9, that is, the preceding context will naturally lead
a speaker to choose one of the sentences in 4.112 over another. In Sperber and
Wilson’s view a general theory of conversational cooperation will explain all such
cases. We will look at further examples of this in chapter 7.
4.6 Summary
In this chapter we have identied a number of semantic relations that hold
between sentences: synonymy, contradiction, entailment and presupposition;
and the sentential qualities of tautology and contradiction. We have reviewed
an approach which characterizes these in terms of truth relations, using a notion
of linguistic or analytic truth. We have seen that while this approach provides an
attractive account of a number of properties, including synonymy, contradiction,
tautology, and most importantly entailment, it fails to account for the full range
of presuppositional behavior, in particular presupposition’s sensitivity to contex-
tual features. We contrasted this purely semantic approach with accounts which
assume a pragmatic approach: describing presupposition in terms of a speaker’s
strategies to package her message against her estimate of what her audience knows.
We will come back to this idea of processes of packaging information again in
chapter 7.
106 Semantic Description
EXERCISES
4.1 Take three sentences, p, q, and r as follows:
p: The sun is shining.
q:Thedayiswarm.
r: The sun is shining and the day is warm.
Let’s make the working assumption that we can represent sentence r by
the logical formula p q. Use the truth table for givenin4.23inthis
chapter to show the truth-value of r in the three situations (S1–3) below:
S1. p is true; q is false
S2. p is true; q is true
S3. p is false; q is true
S4. p is false; q is false
4.2 In propositional logic is it assumed that p q and q p are logically
equivalent, that is the order of the elements is irrelevant. Discuss how the
following examples show that this is not true for the way that speakers use
English and.
a. He woke up and saw on TV that he had won the lottery.
b. Combine the egg yolks with water in a bowl and whisk the mixture
until foamy.
c. He made two false starts and was disqualied from the race.
d. Move and I’ll shoot!
4.3 Take three sentences, p, q, and r as follows:
p: Peter is drinking.
q: Aideen is driving home.
r: It is not the case that Peter is drinking or Aideen is driving home.
Let’s make the working assumption that sentence r is ambiguous: in one
reading the whole sentence is negated; in the other, just the rst disjunct
is negated. Thus the sentence may be given the two logical forms in a and
bbelow:
a. ¬ (p q)
b. ¬p q
Use the truth tables for ¬ given in 4.21 and in 4.24 in this chapter
to show the truth-values of a and b above in the four situations (S1–4)
below:
S1. p is true; q
is false
S2. p is true; q is true
S3. p is false; q is true
S4. p is false; q is false
4.4 To begin with, assume a general rule of disjunction reduction, by which
any phrasal or clausal disjunction is derived from the disjunction of full
Sentence Relations and Truth 107
sentences, that is, assume that a sentence like Yo u c a n s a y y e s o r n o is equiv-
alent to You can say yes or you can say no. For each of the sentences below,
decide whether the use of or corresponds to inclusive () or exclusive
(
) disjunction. Discuss your reasoning. Do any of these sentences have
meanings that you feel are not captured by assuming disjunction reduc-
tion; or by the truth table characterization of the two logic connectors in
4.24 and 4.26 earlier?
a. We spend the afternoons swimming or sunbathing.
b. They can resuscitate him or allow him to die.
c. If the site is in a particularly sensitive area, or there are safety con-
siderations, we can refuse planning permission.
d. You can take this bus or wait till the next one.
e. Beffni is a man’s name or a woman’s name.
f. The base camp is ve or six days’ walk from here.
g. He doesn’t smoke or drink.
h. She suffers from agoraphobia, or fear of open places.
i. Stop or I’ll shoot!
4.5 Decide which of the following sentences are analytically true. Discuss
the reasons for your decision.
a. If it rains, we’ll get wet.
b. The train will either arrive or it won’t arrive.
c. Every doctor is a doctor.
d. If Albert killed a deer, then Albert killed an animal.
e. Madrid is the capital of Spain.
f. Every city has pollution problems.
4.6 Below are some paired sentences. Use the composite truth table for
entailment given in 4.55 in this chapter to decide whether the a sen-
tence entails its b partner. Note any cases of mutual entailment and the
difference in truth relations this involves. (As usual, assume that repeated
nouns, names and pronouns refer to the same entity twice, and that the
b sentences are uttered immediately after the a sentences.)
1 a. Olivia passed her driving test.
b. Olivia didn’t fail her driving test.
2 a. Cassidy inherited a farm.
b. Cassidy owned a farm.
3 a. Cassidy inherited a farm.
b. Cassidy owns a farm.
4 a. Arnold poisoned his wife.
b. Arnold killed his wife.
5 a. We brought this champagne.
b. This champagne was brought by us.
108 Semantic Description
6 a. Not everyone will like the show.
b. Someone will like the show.
4.7 We noted that factive predicates, like English regret, presuppose the truth
of their clausal complements, as in He regretted that he didn’t move to Mel-
bourne. Using your own examples, identify the factive predicates from the
following list: announce, assume, be aware, believe, be fearful, be glad, realize,
be sorry, be worried, know, reason, report.
4.8 Using the different behavior of entailment and presupposition under
negation as a test, decide whether the a sentences below entail or
presuppose their b counterparts. (Again, assume that repeated nouns,
names and pronouns refer to the same entity twice, and that the b sen-
tences are uttered immediately after the a sentences.)
1 a. Dave knows that Jim crashed the car..
b. Jim crashed the car.
2 a. Zaire is bigger than Alaska.
b. Alaska is smaller than Zaire.
3 a. The minister blames her secretary for leaking the memo to
the press.
b. The memo was leaked to the press.
4 a. Everyone passed the examination.
b. No-one failed the examination.
5 a. Mr Singleton has resumed his habit of drinking stout.
b. Mr Singleton had a habit of drinking stout.
FURTHER READING
A very clear introduction to logic for linguists is given by Allwood, Andersson, and
Dahl (1977). Grayling (1982) contains a very readable discussion of the differ-
ent notions of truth used in logic and the philosophy of language. Chierchia and
McConnell-Ginet (2000) propose a truth-based account of entailment and other
sentential relations which is probably best approached after reading chapter 10
below. Levinson (1983) has an accessible discussion of approaches to presuppo-
sition, and Allan (1986) has as its basic principle the kind of interactional approach
we have discussed in this chapter. Beaver (2001) discusses the role of presupposi-
tion in the dynamic updating of context. Stalnaker (2002) discusses his pragmatic
approach to presupposition.
NOTES
1 In 4.1–4 we assume, as in other examples, that pairs of sentences are uttered by the same
speaker, in sequence and that repeated nominals identify the same individual.
Sentence Relations and Truth 109
2 We assume here a simple correspondence theory of truth; see Grayling (1982) for a
discussion of this and other theories of truth. For many semanticists employing truth
conditions to investigate meaning it is in fact the proposition expressed by a sentence
(uttered in a particular context) that, depending on the facts of the world, may be true
or false. In Chapter 10 we review the proposal that this truth-evaluable proposition is the
essential part of the meaning of sentences and therefore the object of study in semantics.
For simplicity, in the present discussion we continue to talk of sentences being true
or false.
3 Logicians sometimes distinguish between two types of what we are here calling coun-
terfactuals: subjunctive conditionals, which set up a hypothetical situation in the
antecedent, as in If Liverpool were to win the championship, he’d be a happy man;and
counterfactual conditionals, where the antecedent is implied to be false, as in If Liv-
erpool had won the championship, he would have been a happy man. For the rest of this book,
we will use the term counterfactual as a cover term for both types. See Lewis (1973)
and Haack (1978) for discussion.
4 Including for example Leibniz (1981), Kant (1993), Quine (1953), Carnap (1956), and
Kripke (1980).
5 Another denition of necessary truth uses the notion of possible worlds, due originally
to Leibniz. Possible worlds in the work of, for example, Lewis (1973, 1986), is a notion
used to reect the way speakers use language to do more than describe the world as it is.
Speakers can, for example, hypothesize situations different from reality, as in counter-
factuals like If Ireland was a Caribbean island, we’d all be drinking rum. Such situations
that are not asserted as real are called possible worlds, the idea being that the world where
Ireland is a Caribbean island is linguistically set up as a possible world, not the actual
world. One denition of necessary truth uses this notion as follows: A statement is neces-
sarily true if it is true in all possible worlds. However, since the constraints on setting up
hypothetical worlds and their possibilities of difference from the real world are far from
easy to ascertain, such a denition needs some work to establish. See Grayling (1982:
43–95) for introductory discussion and Kripke (1971), Lewis (1973) and the papers in
Loux (1979) for more detailed discussion. We come back to this idea of possible worlds
again in chapters 5 and 10.
6 This idea, often known as concept containment, derives from Leibniz. See the papers
in Jolley (1995) for discussion.
7 An anonymous reviewer has suggested that an example like Whales are mammals brings
out the difference between necessary and aprioritruth. Following Kripke, this sentence
is a necessary truth, but it is not an aprioritruth for our hypothetical speaker who thinks
that whales are sh. Similarly Wa t e r i s H
2
O might be a reasonable candidate for a neces-
sary truth but might only be learned by experimental inquiry and thus be a posteriori.
8 This assumes that we rule out self-reference to avoid paradoxes. For example by choosing
to instantiate Y as “are not Xs, we would get the necessarily false statement All Xs that
are not Xs are Xs.
9 We discuss a formal approach to these lexical relations, meaning postulates, in chap-
ter 10.
10 Another, more strictly logical way of describing this entailment relation is to say that p
entails q when an argument that takes p as a premise and q as a conclusion must be
valid, for example the argument:
The anarchist assassinated the emperor.
The emperor died.
is valid.
11 Since this relation is clearly similar to the bi-conditional connective described earlier,
we could give a logical denition of synonymy as in: p and q are synonymous when the
expression p q is always true.
110 Semantic Description
12 Of course not all denite nominals are used to refer: so, for example, the denite NP
in bold in the following sentence is traditionally described as being predicative and not
referential: Stuart is the answer to our prayers.
13 As we will note later, in chapter 8, Austin (1975) suggested that this condition is a felicity
condition on the making of statements.
14 See Heim (1983) for a development of this idea of presuppositions as a set of assumptions
forming part of the context for a sentence being uttered. A dynamic account of how
participants update the context of assumptions is also given by Discourse Representation
Theory (DRT), which we discuss in chapter 10. See Beaver (2002) for a DRT account
of presupposition.
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